Job Market Paper
Sent Away: The Long-Term Effects of Slum Clearance on Children and Families (with Felipe Carrera) [PDF]
We study the intergenerational effects of moving to a high-poverty neighborhood on earnings and schooling using evidence from a slum clearance program implemented in Santiago, Chile, between 1979 and 1985. During the country’s dictatorship, the government mandated the eviction of entire slums and their relocation to public housing in low-income areas: Two-thirds of slums were relocated to new housing projects on the periphery of the city, and the rest received housing at their initial location. To estimate a displacement effect, we compare the outcomes of displaced and non-displaced children 20 to 40 years after the end of the policy. We show that displacement is unrelated to families' demographics or neighborhood attributes prior to eviction. We construct a novel data set that combines archival records with administrative data containing 19,852 homeowners matched to 55,343 children. We find negative effects on children and families: Displaced children have 10% lower earnings and 0.5 fewer years of education as adults than non-displaced. Moreover, displaced children are more likely to work in informal jobs and their parents are more likely to die after the intervention. Destination characteristics mediate our results: Lower social cohesion in destination projects reduces children's schooling, and their earnings are also affected by worse labor market access.
We study the intergenerational effects of moving to a high-poverty neighborhood on earnings and schooling using evidence from a slum clearance program implemented in Santiago, Chile, between 1979 and 1985. During the country’s dictatorship, the government mandated the eviction of entire slums and their relocation to public housing in low-income areas: Two-thirds of slums were relocated to new housing projects on the periphery of the city, and the rest received housing at their initial location. To estimate a displacement effect, we compare the outcomes of displaced and non-displaced children 20 to 40 years after the end of the policy. We show that displacement is unrelated to families' demographics or neighborhood attributes prior to eviction. We construct a novel data set that combines archival records with administrative data containing 19,852 homeowners matched to 55,343 children. We find negative effects on children and families: Displaced children have 10% lower earnings and 0.5 fewer years of education as adults than non-displaced. Moreover, displaced children are more likely to work in informal jobs and their parents are more likely to die after the intervention. Destination characteristics mediate our results: Lower social cohesion in destination projects reduces children's schooling, and their earnings are also affected by worse labor market access.
Work in Progress
The Long-Term Effects of Forced Displacements on Mortality (with Felipe Carrera)
We study the long-term consequences of moving to a high-poverty neighborhood on adults’ mortality. We use evidence from a slum clearance program implemented in Santiago, Chile, between 1979 and 1985, during the country’s dictatorship. The program mandated the eviction of entire slums across the city and turned slum dwellers into homeowners, but whereas some slums were upgraded, other slums were relocated to high poverty areas. We compare the outcomes of adults in the displaced and non-displaced slums to estimate a displacement effect on mortality. Our results show that, on average, men and women are 25% more likely to die after 35 years. Most of the effect is concentrated in the first 10 years after the intervention. Our preliminary results on mechanisms indicate that one-third of the total effect can be attributed to destination municipalities.
Forced versus Voluntary Moves: The Long-Term Consequences of Housing Policies for the Poor
I study the role of preferences in location choice on children’s long-term outcomes, by comparing two slum clearance programs occurred in Santiago, Chile, in the 1980s. In the first program, slum dwellers were forcibly evicted from their original locations and were assigned a destination in poor municipalities; the displaced. In the second program, slum dwellers were evicted and sent to poor municipalities, but they were allowed to choose their final destination; the movers. I compare the earnings and schooling of displaced children with mover children, relative to stayer children. Preliminary results show that displaced children fare worse than mover children in the long-run.
The Effects of a Maternity Leave Extension on Women’s Earnings
I study the effects of an extension to maternity leave on women’s labor market outcomes. I use a reform from 2011 in Chile that mandated the extension of maternity leave from 12 weeks to 24 weeks. The date of implementation of this reform creates two groups of mothers based on their child’s date of birth, which allows me to compare exposed and non-exposed mothers around the date of implementation. To estimate the effects, I use administrative data on maternity leave claims, and I match them to unemployment insurance records to study the earnings trajectory of women. I find that women who were exposed to a longer leave decrease their earnings during the time they spend on leave, but they recover faster: After two years, I do not find a negative effect on earnings compared to the mothers who were not exposed to the reform.
We study the long-term consequences of moving to a high-poverty neighborhood on adults’ mortality. We use evidence from a slum clearance program implemented in Santiago, Chile, between 1979 and 1985, during the country’s dictatorship. The program mandated the eviction of entire slums across the city and turned slum dwellers into homeowners, but whereas some slums were upgraded, other slums were relocated to high poverty areas. We compare the outcomes of adults in the displaced and non-displaced slums to estimate a displacement effect on mortality. Our results show that, on average, men and women are 25% more likely to die after 35 years. Most of the effect is concentrated in the first 10 years after the intervention. Our preliminary results on mechanisms indicate that one-third of the total effect can be attributed to destination municipalities.
Forced versus Voluntary Moves: The Long-Term Consequences of Housing Policies for the Poor
I study the role of preferences in location choice on children’s long-term outcomes, by comparing two slum clearance programs occurred in Santiago, Chile, in the 1980s. In the first program, slum dwellers were forcibly evicted from their original locations and were assigned a destination in poor municipalities; the displaced. In the second program, slum dwellers were evicted and sent to poor municipalities, but they were allowed to choose their final destination; the movers. I compare the earnings and schooling of displaced children with mover children, relative to stayer children. Preliminary results show that displaced children fare worse than mover children in the long-run.
The Effects of a Maternity Leave Extension on Women’s Earnings
I study the effects of an extension to maternity leave on women’s labor market outcomes. I use a reform from 2011 in Chile that mandated the extension of maternity leave from 12 weeks to 24 weeks. The date of implementation of this reform creates two groups of mothers based on their child’s date of birth, which allows me to compare exposed and non-exposed mothers around the date of implementation. To estimate the effects, I use administrative data on maternity leave claims, and I match them to unemployment insurance records to study the earnings trajectory of women. I find that women who were exposed to a longer leave decrease their earnings during the time they spend on leave, but they recover faster: After two years, I do not find a negative effect on earnings compared to the mothers who were not exposed to the reform.